FUGITIVE FORMER prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra would have literally mingled with Songkran revellers in her home province of Chiang Mai over the upcoming weekend if de facto Pheu Thai boss Thaksin Shinawatra had not chosen to keep his self-exiled sister patiently waiting abroad for the yearly, water-splashing festival next time around.
The billionaire power player/father of Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra had earlier bragged about bringing home the globetrotting Yingluck for the fun-filled Songkran but eventually put it off, given the current political situation which would not be very opportune or comfortable for either of them. Yet it remains his personal, ultimate challenge to pave the way for his sister’s safe, scot-free homecoming at all costs, according to partisan sources.
Most importantly, Thaksin would most certainly see to it that Yingluck who had been deposed from elected premiership in the 2014 coup staged by former army chief-turned-prime minister Prayut Chan-o-cha follow the way he himself had been through – returning home from self-exile without being literally put behind bars for a single day.
Setting a highly debatable precedent as an outstanding convict at large who had run the country as head of government a couple of decades ago, the de facto Pheu Thai boss had allegedly struck a “deal with the Devil” for his return from a 17-year, self-exile abroad in 2023 and quietly manipulated to use legal loopholes and be granted questionable privileges of literally keeping himself away from Bangkok Remand prison to otherwise serve a curtailed, one-year sentence for court-convicted power abuse charges perpetrated during his previous premiership and instead staying in a private ward at Police Hospital, constantly armed with a cellphone to clandestinely engage in power play involving a jaw-dropping setup of the Pheu Thai-led coalition government, naming of Pheu Thai candidate for prime minister Srettha Thavisin, allocation of cabinet portfolios among coalition partners and bestowing ministerial seats to certain Pheu Thai figures throughout a six-month period until he was released on parole early last year.
Though it would be unlikely for his coup-deposed sister to follow suit of her brother simply by feigning “critical illnesses” to keep herself from being thrown in jail just the way the billionaire power player had allegedly staged a thinly-veiled fake-out at the hospital, the de facto Pheu Thai boss would most certainly manage to have his sister who had fled the country since the last seven years return home safely and scot-free without being subsequently thrown in prison to otherwise serve a five-year jail term for duty-negligence charges pertaining to a former Pheu Thai-led government’s loss-ridden rice subsidy schemes.
Given a newly-amended regulation of the Corrections Department, an agency under control of the Ministry of Justice, Yingluck could probably be provided leniency practically featuring a “house arrest” somewhere upon her homecoming at any given time after her billionaire, power-playing brother had literally spent a six-month time at the hospital in lieu of the prison, according to the partisan sources.
Besides, it remains to be seen whether the former prime minister could probably be given royal pardon to curtail her five-year jail sentence to a shorter period as had been the case of her brother/former convict at large whose eight-year jail term had been reduced to only one year.
Instrumental to Yingluck’s scot-free return is the sustained situation in which the Pheu Thai remains as core of the coalition government with all government mechanisms and apparatuses at Thaksin’s hush-hush, discreet disposal to solidly assure she will not miss next year’s Songkran at home.
Cringing in fear of possibilities that the Pheu Thai-led government might crumble and fall apart overnight in the wake of concerted opposition from within parliament and without to legislation to open casinos under the name of entertainment complex projects, the de facto Pheu Thai boss has quietly licked his wound, managing to have his casino bill indefinitely postponed to assure himself of the sustained powers of the executive branch with himself pulling the strings of his daughter/”puppet” prime minister whilst his self-exiled sister’s coveted return will likely be a time-consuming, patience-draining phenomenon.
Thaksin indiscriminately branded as “jealous guys” those who may be standing in the way of the Pheu Thai-pushed legislation to open casinos under the name of entertainment complexes which those critics would ultimately find to be roots of vice and evil.
Without naming names, the billionaire power player pointed his accusing finger at those who may be taking to the streets or peacefully gathering outside parliament in protest of the highly contentious legislation to open casinos as part of much-heralded entertainment complex projects in major tourist spots such as Phuket, Pattaya, Chiang Mai, Koh Samui and Bangkok.
Nevertheless, the de facto Pheu Thai boss finally took a U-turn by having the casino bill indefinitely postponed, leaving coalition partners divided on the debatable issue.
The rank and file of the Bhumjaithai, the second largest coalition partner under de facto party boss Newin Chidchob, could probably be split over the casino bill with his son/Bhumjaithai Secretary-General/MP Chaichanok Chidchob taking the House floor to unambiguously express his absolute dissent to it.
Viewed as a quid-pro-quo offer, the Bhumjaithai which is currently in charge of the Ministry of Interior might probably be given a legal jurisdiction over online gambling nationwide if it was legalised probably as soon as the casino bill has been turned into law.
The Prachachart led by Justice Minister Thavi Sodsong has recently expressed strong opposition to the casino bill whilst the Ruam Thai Sang Chart under discreet influence of the de facto party boss/former coup leader-turned-prime minister Prayut, the Democrats led by Natural Resources & Environment Minister Chalermchai Sri-on and the Chart Thai Pattana led by Social Development & Human Security Minister Varawut Silpa-archa have yet remained noncommittal.
The Klatham led by Agriculture & Cooperatives Minister Narumon Pinyosinwat is more or less believed to take Thaksin’s side, given unfaltering, personal ties between Klatham clique leader/MP Thammanat Prompao and Thaksin.
Though the de facto Pheu Thai boss had threatened coalition partners to cast yea votes for the casino bill at parliament or else they would probably be kicked out of the government, such verbal threats would only be more bark than bite with himself embarrassedly swallowing his pride whilst all the coalition partners including his own would simply prefer to stay in government and do everything possible to avoid a dissolution of the House of Representatives which would otherwise be followed in a 60-day time by a general election, according to the partisan sources.
In case that the casino bill, deemed as one of Thaksin’s flagship schemes, may be eventually rejected at parliament, he would only have one choice for his daughter/prime minister to carry out. That is to dissolve the House – the political way-out which he undoubtedly would find as a final, yet avoidable resort.
That Paetongtarn might possibly resign to be replaced by others as head of government would be ultimately out of the question for her billionaire power-playing father whose personal, ultimate task of bringing her aunt back home has not yet been over with.
CAPTIONS:
Top and Front Page: De facto Pheu Thai boss Thaksin Shinawatra with former prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Photos: Thai Rath
First insert: De facto Pheu Thai boss Thaksin Shinawatra with Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra. Photo: Thai Rath
Second insert: Anti-casino protest in Lopburi yesterday, April 9, 2025. Photo: Naewna
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